May 6, 2004
My research topic

My research topic deals with Amazon.com and it's possibilities for users and customers to participate in form of critiques or reviews about a broad range of products. From technical stuff like mobile phones to computers, splatter movies, jazz cd-s or domestic appliances, everything is reviewed in an ordinary or sometimes also scientific way to help other consumers find the product they need. The use of personal Top-10-lists or the choices of other users seek to influence the way people choice and buy products. I want to focus of that phenomenon and the strategy of Amazon.com behind this which makes them to such apopular global brand (without using advertisment on tv or something else).
Because the global market of Amazon I'm going to focus my research paper on the German agency Amazon.de. 

Posted at 12:12 am by Jani
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May 3, 2004
Questions for Session 3

I.Hutchby: The Communicative Affordances of Technological Artefacts

 

My question: What are the advantages and disadvantages of Hutchby’s theory of affordances?

 

Answer: The advantage of Hutchby’s theory of  “affordances”is that it combines the main (but different) approaches in the understanding of technology as an object of social investigation. First there is the approach of “social determinism” which says that the technical side of technology shapes the society within it is used. Looking at the social shaping of technology Hutchby highlights two main tendencies on this field of study: “On the one hand, there are those who argue for a focus on interaction between social and technical elements; and on the other, those who propose conception of socio-technical network” (p.16). These approaches which situate technology in a network or a discourse stands between the only technical approach of technological determinism and the sociologic approach, which describes technology as a text. In this theory the use of technology is not deterministic but ever a result of representation and interpretation. So the meaning of a technology is given by the socio-cultural environment.

Hutchby’s theory of affordances now gives a possibilities to bring all the qualities of the different approaches together, as it is described by Hutchby: “In this sense, the uses and the values of things are not attached to them by interpretive procedures or internal representations, but are a material aspect of the thing as it is encountered in the course of action” (p.27). This theory acknowledges so the power of the technology and the power of the social environment, because the meaning is caused through the special situation where humans and technology are brought together. So the meaning is fluid in a special way only limited through the range of affordances the technology offers. This openness of Hutchby’s theory is, to my mind, one of it’s greatest qualities.

But if we look at the origin of this term it’s getting a little problematic, because the term is associated with the work of Gibson within the realm of the psychology of perception. The examples he gives are coming from the natural area, e.g. the rock which has special qualities for different animals etc. But if you look at these examples it is problematic to transform this theory to quite complicated recent technologies, because a rock or a tree with its affordances aren’t produced and were not invented. But technology is nothing what was already there, it was invented, created for a special purpose. The example of the telephone, which Hurchby stresses a lot of times, may be seen as a technology which has certain affordances beneath its original purpose, but if you look at recent high tech inventions, created for special complicated problems the theory of affordances doesn’t fit at all.

 

 

M. Dodge & R.Kitchin: Geographies of the Information Society

 

My question: Is it true “that the combination of ICT’s and cyberspace disrupts a number of factors that underpin traditional forms of cultural and social interaction[…](p.33)?

 

Answer: Dodge & Kitchin present the argumentation of recent commentators, who argue that there are three modes of disruption between cyberspace and real space and life. The first is the promotion of global culturalisation, the second is the fostering of spatial mobility and the third mode is the case of alternative space which creates fluid identities only based on communities of interest. Dodge & Kitchin don’t acknowledge these thesis, because they show a lot of significant behaviours and rules which are linked to the real world and the real space.

First of all, cyberspace often takes possession of the vocabulary of space like chat-rooms, lobbies etc. (see p.56). Also, according to the work of Adams,  the different models of communication via internet (email, forum etc.) can be related to architectural archetypes in reality. To organise the communication in cyberspace special rules and customary laws (like “netiquette”) are needed. These rules and strategies are closely linked to the law system with its methods of punishments for not accepting these laws. This shows also that this open system of cyberspace contains different levels of power: “Although much hyperbole maintains that everyone in cyberspace is equal, a study of online community reveals that this is not the case” (p.58). Like in the real worlds there are people who participate in and people who rule the system, which is regulated through insider and outsider relations. And at last the disembodied space is finally an embodied space, where the codification of sex plays an important role in communication situations in cyberspace (see p.60).

So instead of a disruption there is a kind of reproduction in cyberspace. This virtual world, which opens new qualities, uses in the last analysis the terms, structures and systems of the reality: “In many cases, online social relations are maintained through the reproduction of cultural ideologies that operates in ‘geographic’ space” (p.60).           

Posted at 10:05 pm by Jani
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Apr 26, 2004
Questions and answers for session 2

John Allen: Symbolic economies: the ’culturalization’ of economic knowledge

 

My question: Why has the scientific work of Ernst Cassirer such an great importance for the argumentation of Allen’s essay?

 

By talking about the symbolic meanings of economic knowledge in the recent debate there is a tendency to divide this symbolic realm in different sectors. This is the main point Allen criticises in his essay because: “There is no one symbolic sector to the contemporary economy, only economies which display a dexterity of symbolic knowledge in a variety of combinations, with certain sectors distinguished by one particular combination rather than another” (p.40). In the opinion of Allen, who speaks about four symbolic registers (abstract, expressive, affective and aesthetic) which appear in economic activities, a clear separation of this registers is impossible. The problem is that a lot of scientists (Lash/Urry, Reich, Coyle, Zukin or Leadbeater), each in a different way, try to “codifying the uncodable” (p.40). Each of these scientists driven by a “tension” to codification tries to draw clear distinctions among the symbolic realms, e.g. between cognitive and aesthetic (Lash/Urry).

To show the registers of the symbolic knowledge Allen sees a need of a more systematic approach. This approach is given by the work of the German philosopher Ernst Cassirer, who “[…] became convinced early on that a cognitive, science-based view of knowledge was unjustifiably limited” (p.48). Cassirer, who started his analysis in comparison of “exact” sciences (like mathematics, with its clear codification) to others, found out, that every system of meaning was only one form of meaning, embedded in a special framework of symbols, signs and knowledge (see p.48). This thesis, made by Cassirer, is translated to the symbolic meaning in economic culture: every symbolic approach (e.g. a cognitive approach is only one thinkable method of entering the symbolic realm). Further, Allen uses the threefold distinction of symbolic functions, argumented by Cassirer: expression, representation and signification. Each creates a special approach to the symbolic meaning: Expression as an “immediate, non-discursive mode of experience” (p.49), representation as a form of codified language and signification as a systematic manipulation of abstract symbols, like mathematics. All these three symbolic qualities work together absolutely inseparable, which is shown by Allen through the example of film, which combines all of these symbolic qualities as well. It is a codified language (understood by the audience as a film language), abstract (shown two-dimensional), and expressive.

So in this essay the importance of the work of Ernst Cassirer is crucial for Allen’s argumentation against any form of distinction within the symbolic realm, because he was one of the first, who saw and described this different, inseparable qualities. Based on this solid argumentative ground Allen can develop now his model of symbolic registers and criticise the models of former theories.

 

 

 

 

Don Slater: Capturing markets from the economists

 

My question: What is the special quality of advertisement in the context of economy?

 

With a familiar problem, but on a different, more  specific level as John Allen, Don Slater struggles in his essay also against a kind of unjustified separation. His topic is the realm of production and its cultural environment. As Slater stresses: “[…] we find that economic and cultural categories are logically and practically interdependent: neither can be reduced to or separated from the other” (p.59).

Slater argues that every kind of production is inconceivable without any social or cultural influence. The product, its market and the competition cannot be separated from the cultural world and its social values which surround every commodity and it’s consumer and reverse.

The problem is that economic analysis (e.g. Lancaster) focuses only on the objective properties of a product without building a bracket of other influences. On the opposite the cultural view in a kind of dematerialisation reduces the product to the status of a sign or semiotic meaning. Both views are in the opinion of Slater incorrect and give an distorted image of the product itself.

The only thing, which helps to find a way out of this dilemma is the advertisement, because it combines economic thoughts and cultural or social influences. Advertising a product places this good in a special defined market with its special competitors. In two case studies Slater stresses the fact how important it is to find or define the right market for the right product. So the advertising of a product in defining it for a special market, embodies economical strategic qualities. Simultaneous the advertisement refers to social or cultural conditions, and combines so the economic and symbolic or semiotic qualities of a product. So advertisement, viewed and explored in a right, not short sighted way, opens new possibilities to understand the two inseparable sides of a product within its economic and cultural market.         

 



 

H.Vogel: Economic perspectives

 

My question: What is so problematic about “leisure” in an economic framework?

 

The problem starts already by Vogel’s definition of leisure: “Leisure has more recently been conceptualized either as a form of activity engaged in by people in their free time or, preferably, as time free from any sense of obligation and compulsion” (p.4). Vogel gives a definition which made leisure to a kind of product which fits in the economic framework he creates about this term. Leisure, situated in diagrams of time or productivity is so a defined, economic and, that’s the most important point, a factor which is measurable.

So everything touching the cultural or mental realms of leisure is excluded in this model, a fact which is also recognized by Vogel: “Naturally, in so defining leisure by what it is not, metaphysical issues remain largely unsolved” (p.4). This general problem remains unsolved in his whole and leads to a lot of problems outside the economic view of leisure and entertainment. Vogel itself gives the example of the production of a movie (p.18). In this case he remarks all this economic points of initial capital investment, marketing, promotion or the term of elasticity of price for a special good. But in fact all these great theories about the demand of leisure are failing in this case, because there is no recipe for creating a movie, which automatically guarantees an economic successful movie. At this point the missing cultural quality comes into play and shows the borderlines of this pure economic model, which makes a treatment of “leisure” so difficult.

 

 


 

Edward Castranova: On Virtual Economies

 

My question: What seems to be the most important factor, which creates the pleasure in participating in online games?       

 

In his assumptions about something like a “game theory” Castranova mentions three important factors: the emotional well-being (as a general goal of human behaviour), confrontation with challenges and a kind of reward for overcoming these challenges or puzzles. For my opinion the importance of challenges, especially the role of constraints within online-games, is crucial for the whole pleasure debate. Castranova sees this constraints as the important factor in the differentiation of real and a cyberspace market: “Put succinctly, in a normal market the demanders are willing to pay money to have constraints removed, but in a games market they will pay money to have constraints imposed” So the pleasure lies in the fact, that it’s hard or takes time, money or efforts to solve a certain puzzle or achieve a certain status.

This aspect of constraint is omnipresent in the whole world of cyberspace games. Every player starts the game with a weak avatar, which makes it harder to participate in the beginning and also makes it harder to switch or leave the game after spending time, money and efforts to reach a better avatar-status with more power. Also the limited size of online-game-participants can be seen as a form of constraint. And at least the game owners with their unlimited power in create and destroy personal online-efforts of players is a sort of constraint. They use it and provoke so an enormous outcome of reactions via postings in forums or email-communication which is described by Castranova as “only the tip of the iceberg of player input”. But every player knows the influence and power of the game owners, everybody should know that he is part of an economic business and not of an democratic outerworld-online-society. Every player knows the constraints which can appear inside the structure of the whole game, but nevertheless he enjoys it . This also stresses the argument that constraints (in the form of challenges or whatever) are the key factor in the understanding of the pleasure in participating online-games.  

Posted at 07:40 pm by Jani
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Welcome to my first weblog

Hello this is my first weblog.
To introduce myself, I'm Jan and an exchange student from Germany. I was born (as the most of you) and decided after 20 years in a small town near Cologne to settle to Bochum.
Bochum is famous for ... let me think about it ... it's great soccer team (former known as the elevator team, constantly changing between the first two leagues), bad beer, former coal mines, the Bermuda triangle (streets in the city where in lots of great pubs  alcohol, money and hours suddenly and in a mysterious way disappear) and a lot of cultural activities. And of course the Ruhr-University, not only the place where I study, but also one of the ugliest universities (only as you look at the architecture) and ,maybe caused by that, the German university with the top ranking in student suicides.
But now I am here, trying to participate in "Participatory Culure".   


Posted at 07:36 pm by Jani
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